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This strategy created the Amnesty Law, and its dominant interpretation is the most powerful barrier blocking social and historical memory about the dictatorship. And it was through this new legal-political-ideological mechanism that the guarantee of immunity for the Armed Forces was extracted. The State used this mechanism to plaster with forgetting impunity, concealment, silence, and lies the arbitrary detentions, the torture, the secret military courts operating beyond the rule of law, the killings, and the forced disappearances perpetrated by its agents.
It did so in such a way that it could regularly refuse demands made by relatives of the dead and disappeared, former political prisoners, and human rights organizations for the investigation into the facts and the circumstances of what happened, public recognition of what had taken place, reparations for the victims, memorializing measures, and holding the repressive agents criminally responsible.
It is not surprising, given this context, that the government would block any consistent policy or mechanism for transitional justice. Decades would have to pass for the extremely long amnesic phase would show any signs of change.
The first significant step took place during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration in After discreet negotiations with the military took place about the thorny topic of dictatorship repression and emphatic assurances that amnesty was not being questioned, the Brazilian State assumed, for the first time, responsibility for the deaths of disappeared political opposition — without investigating the circumstances of those deaths or naming the responsible parties, individual or institutional.
It also guaranteed death certificates for the families — even though the families bore the burden of proof — and monetary reparations which the majority of families had not demanded.
There was a marked privatized slant and the clear goal of impeding any public debate about the topic in society. In , in the name of national reconciliation and commitment to close the question of the past at once, the Amnesty Commission was established for the politically persecuted. These advances tied into the linchpin of reparations and its connections with truth and memory.
The result was a complex and contradictory political dynamic driven by four independent forces: the diverse political initiatives taken by the government; the mobilization around demands for memory, truth, and justice, upheld by human rights organizations, social movements, and other collectives; the fledgling process of judicialization, domestically and internationally, in relation to the amnesty law and the right to truth and justice that victims of repression hold this was expressed most clearly in , with the contrasting decisions stated by the Federal Supreme Court STF and the International Court of Human Rights CIDH ; and finally, the reactions, opposition, and negotiations between the Armed Forces and the government at distinct critical moments.
At the same time, in an indirect and contained way, this accumulation of information threw into question legalized impunity. In fact, what one saw was an unprecedented un-amnesic phase developing throughout the political landscape in relation to the military dictatorship. What made this possible was, on the one hand, favorable political conditions on a domestic level, in which a sector of the governmental elite found rapid support and action from long-time actors and new social collectives that had persisted in the struggle not to let the dictatorial past be forgotten.
On the other, a favorable Latin American and global context legalized and legitimized applying international human rights paradigms to the treatment of the recent violent past. This broader context not only circulated mechanisms of transitional justice but also spread the value for traumatic memory for these types of injustices.
Passed by law in Congress in November along with an absolutely necessary Freedom of Information Act, the CNV was the result of a series of conflicts, negotiations, and interconnected decisions that involved the government, the Armed Forces, human rights organizations, the STF, and leadership from major political parties.
It had broad investigative powers and its primary objectives were to bring to light grave human rights violations perpetrated by the state of exception, recommend preventative measures to prevent the repetition of this kind of regime and to achieve national reconciliation, and to promote the reconstruction of a historical interpretation of the period based on these violations and with an emphasis on the victims.
In sum, the CNV inscribed into the memorial process about the military dictatorship a stimulus, acceleration, and breadth of unprecedented activities tied to diverse groups and actors.
The height of this action was between March and April , the symbolic moment marking 50 years after the military coup. The CNV crafted a general narrative about the historical experience of the military dictatorship, centered on the question of grave human rights violations committed by the State, as is shown in the Final Report and the 29 recommendations that accompany it, presented to Dilma Rousseff in December It includes the names of the victims who were killed as well as those responsible for the crimes, and recommends opening investigations and court trials.
However, the expanding un-amnesiac phase came abruptly to a close in the extreme two-pronged political and economic crisis that Brazil suffered after the presidential elections — a crisis that, since that time, has not ceased to deepen. The lasting nature of the crisis, permanent uncertainty in the present moment, and the destructive impact of the crisis in diverse contexts political-institutional, economic, social, cultural, ethical generated amnesia about the recent past along with the rapid dissolution of expectations about the future.
In terms of reparation, truth, and memorialization, these effects sharpened under the Temer administration, even before the turbulent impeachment of president Dilma Rousseff had come to a close.
Many previous advances were interrupted, cleared out, dismantled. In any case, the current framework shows the fragility of social and historical memory about the military dictatorship, as well as the prevailing weight of the barriers, restrictions, and opposition that appeared throughout the process of transitional justice. There is no dearth of research in history and the social sciences that shows the strong propensity for silence, lack of awareness, and indifference amongst vast swaths of the population in relation to the political past, and specifically, to the recent political past and the military dictatorship.
Above all, this refers to the strategies not explicitly laid out during the period of political transition that have largely persisted for the nearly thirty years of normalizing democratic institutions, not including the important changes in policy, though cut short and precarious, introduced in the last phase of transitional justice.
And when it has, that treatment has been slow, truncated, and unequal. It is for this reason that the challenge of making this project an informal pedagogical tool for awareness and memory of political violence in the past is even more relevant. It is in this context of intense crisis, in a turbulent pre-election political, legal, and media moment that this book arises.
We can also not limit ourselves to a simplified version of the power structures and relationships of the dictatorship in which a single dominant pole is strictly limited to the military and the repressive apparatus while a second pole of resistance consists of a homogenous block of political opposition or armed resistance. On the contrary, the goal of this project is to consider the complex interconnectedness of domination, violence, and resistance by delving into historical landmarks in a comprehensive way, noting changing power relations and the different interpretations and perspectives of various actors from both inside and outside the State.
The last dictatorship was not a government that sustained itself purely on coercion — and, in the same way, the government was not the only entity that carried out violence, nor was political opposition the only target. Resistance did not wear thin during the open conflict between actions and discourses of the most visible actors political parties, unions, social movements, civil society organizations, and underground leftist organizations.
And that violence definitely should not be viewed as infrequent or as a deviation from the norm, as it was inherent to this form of political and social domination. In other words, violence was necessarily tied to the economic, social, political-institutional, and ideological-cultural dimensions of dictatorial order, conditioning and deeply affecting these components of the regime to varying degrees. It would be reformulated into its most intense phase after the Fifth Institutional Act AI-5 and come to be all pervasive, centralized, selective, clandestine, and effective.
State violence and its technological mechanisms for wielding power over the body, specifically against members of armed resistance groups, reached sophisticated levels of cruelty and barbarity. The dictatorship practiced kidnapping, systematic torture, sexual abuse, execution, dismemberment, disappearance, and hid bodily remains.
But the repressive structure that cracked down on leftist activists had consequences that deeply affected society as a whole. This would be the combined effect of disseminating fear of physical coercion and persecution, of censorship and self-censorship in the press, symbolic violence, and official propaganda. The true face of the military regime consisted of the denial of politics, the perversion of legal sense and rights, and a culture of violence and arbitrary acts made banal by the dictatorship.
It was a new version of the old matrix of political and social Brazilian authoritarianism.
However, even as the military dictatorship would come to administer repression in a more contained and selective fashion in its final chapter, it never lost the violent, arbitrary, and authoritarian qualities that permeated its institutional mechanisms and practices. But that does not mean that the dictatorship managed to impede the emergence of different forms of resistance and dissidence over the course of its rule.
That existed in different contexts and environments, as alluded to in many different spaces in this project. The consequences and impacts of institutionalized violence, however, did not end with the transition to democracy. These are the individuals who form the heart of current struggles for reparations, memory, truth, and justice. On the other hand, an indeterminate number of unknown victims — individuals and social groups not connected with political opposition to the regime indigenous peoples, peasants, traditional communities, people of color from impoverished peripheral areas, the LGBT community, etc.
Even so, it is worth mentioning that one should not measure the violent character of a dictatorship based on the number of lethal victims or persecuted people that its repressive apparatus produced. In addition to the question of victims, there are still direct legacies of the dictatorship on a constitutional and legislative level, visible remnants that linger in State institutions, administrative structures, and public policy — as well as in the imaginaries, discourses, and social action at the heart of the State and civil society.
These crimes take place in the normative-institutional framework of democracy, under different foreign and domestic historical conditions, and with a social profile that defines new victims young people, the majority of them black and poor. For this reason, the final reports of both the CNV and the CEV-Rio propose a set of recommendations that call attention to the urgent need for institutional measures and reforms, constitutional and legal, in addition to specific public policy and independent social initiatives in varied e-contexts.
This is the way to settle scores with the violent injustice of both the past and the present in terms of reparation, memory, truth, and justice. Sites of memory of repression and resistance This project has as its starting point the idea of a place or a site as the territorial location of a specific point in space, represented on a map as coordinates and precise references that, on a small scale, carry the very characteristics of materiality and concreteness. However, we do not fully break away from the distinction between space and place in the sense of an opposition between something global versus something local , nor that between space and time, which necessarily involves prioritizing one concept over the other.
Still, the physical medium of place is social, steeped in subjective temporality and immateriality. Symbolic appropriations, experiences, and the material side of human action that took place in a site in specific contexts host many layers of meaning that end up forming a place filled with memories and histories. Others — the ones that were sites for protests, social and political struggle, meeting and communication that restored politics as a part of freedom of speech and action in public space — question the lawful and the illegal dimensions of dictatorship order.
All of these sites carry the history of the facts that took place there and conflicted memories that condense and materialize in space — memories that, forgotten or ignored by large swaths of the population today, still contain the traces and vestiges of feeling, meaning, and truths experienced by the protagonists of the conflicts and witnesses.
That is why organizations and social collectives fight to establish memory markers in physical space, whether as part of their own initiatives or as part of demands by state institutions. It is for the permanent resident or visitor of the areas contemplated, whose routines, schedules, and everyday movements pivot on these invisible places. And we do this through the conjunction and dialogue between text, maps and the floor plans of some centers of repression , and photographs, specific to each site, and related to territorial, temporal, and thematic aspects of space.
To this end, bibliographic, archival, oral and iconographic history research was conducted both to identify the places that would be included and to build the first drafts of the texts for countless sites.
The creation of maps and selection of images was carried out in relation to the state of Rio de Janeiro covering six of eight regions and cities of each of the chosen areas. In the same way, the project drew on oral history archives and witness testimony that truth commissions CNV, CEV-Rio, and municipal truth commissions gave to the initiative or on the transcriptions of interviews that the researchers on this team carried out.
Finally, we should note that the selected detention sites and places where action and repression took place, as well as the sites related to resistance movements in their many forms, are not exhaustive. The city of Rio de Janeiro was, on a national level, one of the areas in which state violence was most heavily exercised and has large numbers of victims and persecuted people including those who came from other states.
It was also a space where many kinds of resistance and social, political, and cultural movements acted against the dictatorship. Many memories and histories are yet to be discovered and told, a vast archive of documents and testimonies to be researched, which would allow us to learn about and spread awareness for the different meanings of a past that continues in the present.
Brazil today does not run the risk of having a saturated memory, literally fixed in the past, with the possibility of falling into the abuse of memorialism. On the contrary: the real danger is to continue in the excessive forgetting of violent pasts, in an obstinate refusal to consider structures of domination, inequality, discrimination, exclusion, invisibility, and insignificance of the everyday violence affecting the victims of the present.
It is against the heavy legacy of forgetting that we affirm here the always unfinished, fragmented, and open work of building memory and awareness of history and how it steps into the present. Facing the political and social violence of the recent dictatorial past and coping with it is essential, even if it is not a total guarantee that similar or even worse scenarios will not occur in the future.
Memories of past injustice, just as they have advanced, can also revert or even disappear depending on the historical circumstances and the struggles of those who do not forget and refuse to let the injustice be forgotten.
Still, movements for social memory are unforeseeable, as Brazil and many other cases around the world show. Acesso em: 2 set. Los Trabajos de la Memoria. El Estado y la memoria: gobiernos y ciudadanos frente a los traumas de la historia.
Santiago: Museo de la Memoria y los Derechos Humanos, In: International Center for Transitional Justice. Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, Rio de Janeiro: Ponteio, Rio de Janeiro: Contraponto, Las luchas del pasado. Brasil, em novembro de Domination and the Art of Resistances. Nova Haven: Yale University Press, O que resta da ditadura. Informe Paris: Gallimard, Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, The space served to rehabilitate political prisoners who had been tortured in other official or clandestine facilities and to forge expert reports for victims killed by agents of the State.
The locale is still associated with the assassination and forced disappearance of activists who opposed the dictatorship. Current headquarters of the Central Army Hospital. Source: CNV. Used with permission.
The Central Army Hospital was founded in through a decree signed by Marshal Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca , replacing the old Military Hospital that had stood in an old mansion in Morro do Castelo since The name change was accompanied by the construction of new hospital facilities in the Benfica neighborhood in the central region of Rio de Janeiro.
The hospital was inaugurated in June of During the military dictatorship, the activists sent to the HCE were kept in specific wings of the hospital, such as the psychiatric infirmary and the thirteenth prison infirmary.
The decision to hospitalize political prisoners was aimed, in many cases, at guaranteeing the physical recovery of the victims so that they could be interrogated under torture again at a later date, as well as at continuing their psychological torture. A series of testimonies makes this evident. The case of Estrella Bohadana is one of the most emblematic. In the words of the activist: The state in which one returned from torture was, in general, a very, very unfortunate state.
When I came to, I was already in a hospital cell. What does the Pope mean by performative and informative? How does the Christian message combine these? Read the story of St. Josephine Bakhita aloud. How does this dramatic story illuminate the Popes claim that We who have always lived with the Christian concept of God, and have grown accustomed to it, have almost ceased to notice that we possess the hope that ensues from a real encounter with this God.
Section 3 The concept of faith-based hope in the New Testament and the early Church 4. What was the experience of the early Christians expressed by St. Paul in his letter to Philemon and in Hebrews? Drawing on a fascinating quote from St. Gregory Nazianzen the Pope draws a parallel between the belief in elemental spirits of the universe as believed in ancient 4 astrology and similar views of today which in a different way has become fashionable once again today.
What does he mean by this? Can you provide some practical examples? What was the role of the authentic philosopher in ancient times? Why did the ancient Christians see Christ as both a Shepherd and a philosopher? Discuss the phrase which appears in Hebrews; faith is the substance of things hoped for; the proof of things not seen.
How does this relate back to the Introduction and the fundamental idea of the Encyclical? What does the word play in Hebrews illuminate about the Christian Hope and the possessions of this world? In what ways do these two words highlight the theological virtue of hope and the failure to hope?
What are some examples of hypomone and hypostole in everyday life? Key Question of the Encyclical- [I]s the Christian faith also for us today a lifechanging and life sustaining hope?
Is it performative for usis it a message which shapes our life in a new way, or is it just information which, in the meantime, we have set aside and which now seems to us to have been superseded by more recent information? What did the old baptismal rite reveal about the purpose of baptism? Discuss the two quotes from St. Ambrose at end of article What do the statements tell us about the theological meaning of death? What is the inner contradiction Pope Benedict identifies in our attitudes about death?
How does this paragraph give us a deeper insight into how eternal life should be understood? Section 5 Is Christian hope individualistic? What harsh criticism has the modern world leveled against their perception of Christian hope?
What does it mean to say that salvation is a social reality? Should monasteries be considered places of flight from the world?
What lessons can Christians who live in the world learn from monastic life? Section 6 The transformation of Christian faith-hope in the modern age Who is Francis Bacon and how does the Pope see his ideas changing the nature of hope? What is the new expectation? Discuss how reason and freedom came to be seen in opposition to faith.
It is interesting that an allusion to the anti-christ appears in this section. Why does it appear here and in what context? What is the significance of this? How did Karl Marx further change the understanding of hope?
What is Marxs fundamental error? Why does Pope Benedict propose a self-critique of modernity and modern Christianity?
What is the perverse end that we must be wary of? Section 7 The true shape of Christian hope 6 24 What is the difference between the ethics and sciences that deal with the material world? Is changing structures the thing that will transform the world?
Explain b. What can we know definitively about the kingdom of good in this world? Explain What does it mean to say that Man can never be redeemed simply from the outside.?